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主编简介：

朱善利，北京大学光华管理学院原副院长。

“我是厉老师个人亲自指导的第一位硕士，也是厉老师指导的第一位博士。”

车耳，中国国际经济咨询公司国际业务总监。

“（厉以宁语）车耳是我的学生陵耐如。他是全国恢复高考于1977年第一批被北京大学西语系录取的。……在攻读研究生期间，他选修了我开设的好几门课程。从那时到现在已经二十多年了。”

何小锋，北京大学经济学院金融学系主任。

“1981年，这篇……

《非均衡的中国经济》pdf下载在线阅读,求百度网盘云资源

《非均衡的中国经济》（厉以宁）电子书网盘下载免费在线阅读

链接：https://pan.baidu.com/s/1iLqlyMJII-7V0RRdmB-N7A提取码：1234

书名：非均衡的中国经济

作者：厉以宁

出版社：中国大百科全书出版社

出版年份：2015-1

页数：268

内容简介：

本书是厉以宁先生的学术代表作，提出了影响深远的“中国经济非均衡理慧散论”，为中国的经济改革提供了理论指颂闭南。

本书围绕中国经济的非均衡性特征，从政府、企业、市场三者的关系分析了资源配置、产业结构、制度创新和经济波动等问题，深刻揭示了中国经济宏观和微观运行机制的特点，并探讨了以企业改革为中心，通过改革调整走出困境，实现顺利发展的途径。

本书被评为“影响新中国经济建设的10本经济学著作”之一，列入“中国文库•新中国60周年特辑”，并荣获第四届国家图书奖。

作者简介：

厉以宁先生，北京大学资深教授，博士生导师。现任北京大学社会科学学部主任，北京大学光华管理学院名誉院长、北京大学管理科学中心主任。第七、八、九届全国人大常委，第十、十一、十二届全国政协常委。

作有《非均衡的中国经济》（大百科新版）、《中国经济改革与股份制》、《股份制与现代市场经济》、《转型发展理论》、《超越市场与超越政府》、《资本主义野碧裂的起源》《罗马—拜占庭经济史》（商务）《工业化和制度调整》《希腊古代经济史》（商务）《厉以宁经济史论文选》《中国经济双重转型之路》等。最新出版了《只计耕耘莫问收——厉以宁论文选》（中国大百科全书出版社）），还曾出版《厉以宁诗词选集》（上下卷）、《山景总须横侧看：厉以宁散文集》（商务印书馆）。

随便一个经济学家的英文介绍

大卫•李嘉图

（DavidRicardo,1772-1823）

ThebrilliantBritisheconomistDavidRicardowasoneofthemostimportantfiguresinthedevelopmentofeconomictheory.Hearticulatedandrigorouslyformulatedthe"Classical"systemofpoliticaleconomy.ThelegacyofRicardodominatedeconomicthinkingthroughoutthe19thCentury.

DavidRicardo'sfamilywasdescendedfromIberianJewswhohadfledtoHollandduringawaveofpersecutionsintheearly18thCentury.Hisfather,astockbroker,emigratedtoEnglandshortlybeforeRicardo'sbirthin1772.DavidRicardowashisthirdson(outofseventeen!).

Attheageoffourteen,afterabriefschoolinginHolland,Ricardo'sfatheremployedhimfull-timeattheLondonStockExchange,wherehequicklyacquiredaknackforthetrade.At21,RicardobrokewithhisfamilyandhisorthodoxJewishfaithwhenhedecidedtomarryaQuaker.However,withtheassistanceofacquaintancesandonthestrengthofhisalreadyconsiderablereputationintheCityofLondon,Ricardomanagedtosetuphisownbusinessasadealeringovernmentsecurities.Hebecameimmenselyrichinaveryshortwhile.In1814,attheageof41,findinghimself"sufficientlyrichtosatisfyallmydesiresandthereasonabledesiresofallthoseaboutme"(LettertoMill,1815),Ricardoretiredfromcitybusiness,boughttheestateofGatcombParkandsethimselfupasacountrygentleman.

EggedonbyhisgoodfriendJamesMill,RicardogothimselfelectedintotheBritishparliamentin1819asanindependentrepresentingaboroughinIreland,whichheserveduptohisdeathin1823.Inparliament,hewasprimarilyinterestedinthecurrencyandcommercialquestionsoftheday,suchastherepaymentofpublicdebt,capitaltaxationandtherepealoftheCornLaws.(cf.ThomasMoore'spoemsonCash,CornandCatholics)

Ricardo'sinterestineconomicswassparkedbyachancereadingofAdamSmith'sWealthofNations(1776)whenhewasinhislatetwenties.Brightandtalkative,Ricardodiscussedhisowneconomicideaswithhisfriends,notablyJamesMill.ButitwasonlyafterthepersistenturgingoftheeagerMillthatRicardoactuallydecidedtowritethemdown.Hebeganin1809,authoringnewspaperarticlesoncurrencyquestionswhichdrewhimintothegreatBullionistControversythatwasragingatthetimeInthataffair,hewasapartisanoftheBullionistposition,whicharguedfortheresumptionoftheconvertibilityofpapermoneyintogold.Hewroteapairoftracts(1810,1811)articulatingtheirargumentsandoutliningwhathassincebecomeknownasthe"classicalapproach"tothetheoryofmoney.

Intheseverysametracts,Ricardoalsosuggestedtheimpossibilityofa"generalglut"--anexcesssupplyofallgoods--inaneconomy.ThisprovokedtheRev.ThomasRobertMalthustorespondtoRicardo.Thecourseofthisdebatecontinuedintheirextensivecorrespondencewitheachother,culminatinginaseriesofnotesRicardowroteonMalthus's1820Principles(thesewerelaterpublishedposthumouslyasNotesonMalthus).RicardostoodfirminhissupportofSay'sLawanddismissedMalthus'sunderconsumptionthesisastheoreticallyimpossible.Yet,inspiteoftheirdisagreementsoneconomicdoctrines,theytooktoeachotherpersonallyandfosteredalegendaryfriendship.RicardoevenpassedoninvestmenttipstoMalthus--themostfamouscasebeingwhenRicardourgedMalthustoinvestinthebondmarketinanticipationofaBritishvictoryatWaterloo.Evertheconservativeparson,Malthusdeclined.Ricardo,asusual,madeakilling.

In1815,RicardopublishedhisgroundbreakingEssayon..Profits.Thereheintroducedthedifferentialtheoryofrentandthe"lawofdiminishingreturns"tolandcultivation.Coincidentally,thisprinciplewasdiscoveredsimultaneouslyandindependentlybyMalthus,RobertTorrensandEdwardWest.(moreastoundingly,allofthempublishedtheirtractswithinthreeweeksinFebruary,1815!)Inhis1815Essay,Ricardoformulatedhistheoryofdistributioninaone-commodity("corn")economy.Withwagesattheir"natural"level,Ricardoarguedthatrateofprofitandrentsweredeterminedresiduallyintheagriculturalsector.Hethenusedtheconceptofarbitragetoclaimthattheagriculturalprofitandwagerateswouldbeequaltothecounterpartsinindustrialsectors.Withthistheory,hecouldshowthatariseinwagesdidnotleadtohigherprices,butmerelyloweredprofits.

Arguably,apropertheoryofvaluewasmissinginthe1815tract.Inaone-commoditymodel,thisisnotanbigissue.But,proddedonbyMalthus'scriticisms,Ricardorealizedthatinamultiple-commodityeconomy,forrentsandprofitstoremainresiduals,thenpricesmustbepinneddownsomewhere.Inhisformidabletreatise,PrinciplesofPoliticalEconomyandTaxation(1817),Ricardofinallyarticulatedandintegratedatheoryofvalueintohistheoryofdistribution.

ForRicardo,theappropriatetheorywasthe"labor-embodied"theoryofvalueorLTV,i.e.theargumentthattherelative"natural"pricesofcommoditiesaredeterminedbytherelativehoursoflaborexpendedintheirproduction.Indeed,hebeganhis1817bookbycriticizingAdamSmith'salternatives--the"labor-commanded"and"addingup"theoriesofvalue--because,heargued,thatmadevalueafunctionofwagesandthusincomedistribution.ForRicardo,thiswasuntenable.Inhisvision,valuewasindependentofdistribution,andthusonlythe"labor-embodied"theorymadesense.

However,Ricardorealizedthatwhenthequestionofcapitalcomesin,aproblemarose:specifically,asdifferentindustriesapplydifferentamountsofcapitalperlaborer,thentherateofprofitwillalsodifferacrossindustries.Ricardounderstoodthatifhethenassumedthattheratesofprofitacrossdifferentindustrieswereequalized(asfreecompetitionwouldimply),then,mathematically,relativepriceswouldnowvarywithwages--exactlywhathehadcriticizedSmithfor!Ricardorealizedthatthelabortheoryofvaluewouldonlyworkifthedegreeofcapital-intensitywasthesameacrossallsectors,castingdoubtonthegeneralityofhischerishedtheory.

Ricardoproposedtwowaysoutofthisdilemma.Thefirstwastheempiricalargumentthatfirmsapplycapitalinaroughlyproportionalmannertotheamountoflaborinvested.Inthiscase,theresultingpriceswhenprofitsareequalizedwouldnotdiffermuchfromthevaluesimpliedbytheLTV.ThisiswhatStigler(1958)hascalledRicardo's"93%labortheoryofvalue".Thesecondsolutionwastofindacommoditywhichhastheaveragecapitalperworker,sothatitspricewouldreflectlabor-embodiedvalueandthusnotvarywithchangesindistribution.Hecalledthisthe"invariablestandardofvalue".Ifonecanfindwhatthis"standard"commodityis,Ricardoargued,thentherestoftheanalysisissimple.Onecan,say,changetechnology,tracethechangeinvalueofthestandardcommodity,andthenextrapolatethechangeinvalueforallothercommoditiesbythedegreetowhichtheircapitalcompositiondeviatesfromthisstandard.Despitehissearch,Ricardoneverfoundthisstandardcommodity.Onhisdeath,anincompletepaperentitled"TheInvariableStandardofValue"wasfoundonhisdesk.Eventually,KarlMarx(1867)proposedonewayoutofit,butthepropersolutionwouldhavetowaituntilPieroSraffa(1960).

Alittletrippeduponvalue,Ricardo(1817)pressedonnonetheless.Withprices(moreorless)pinneddownbytheLTV,herestatedhisoldtheoryofdistribution.Dividingtheeconomyintoclassesoflandowners(whospendtheirrentalincomeonluxuries),workers(whospendtheirwageincomeonnecessities)andcapitalists(whosavemostoftheirprofitincomeandreinvestit),Ricardoarguedshowedonceagainhowthesizeofprofitsisdeterminedresiduallybytheextentofcultivationonlandandthehistorically-givenrealwage.Hethenaddedonatheoryofgrowth.Specifically,withprofitsdeterminedinthemannergivenabove,thentheamountofcapitalistsaving,accumulationandlabordemandgrowthcouldalsobededuced.This,inturn,wouldincreasepopulationandthusbringmoreland,oflessandlessquality,intocultivation.Astheeconomycontinuedtogrow,then,byhistheoryofdistribution,profitswouldbeeventuallysqueezedoutbyrentsandwages.Inthelimit,Ricardoargued,a"stationarystate"wouldbereachedwherecapitalistswillbemakingnear-zeroprofitsandnofurtheraccumulationwouldoccur.

Ricardosuggestedtwothingswhichmightholdthislawofdiminishingreturnsatbayandkeepaccumulationgoingatleastforawhile:technicalprogressandforeigntrade.Ontechnicalprogress,Ricardowasambivalent.Onetheonehand,herecognizedthattechnicalimprovementswouldhelppushthemarginalproductoflandcultivationupwardsandthusallowformoregrowth.But,inhisfamousChapter31"OnMachinery"(addedin1821tothethirdeditionofhisPrinciples),henotedthattechnicalprogressrequirestheintroductionoflabor-savingmachinery.Thisiscostlytopurchaseandinstall,andsowillreducethewagesfund.Inthiscase,eitherwagesmustfallorworkersmustbefired.Someoftheseunemployedworkersmaybemoppedupbythegreateramountofaccumulationthattheextraprofitswillpermit,butitmightnotbeenough.Apoolofunemployedmightremain,placingdownwardpressureandwagesandleadingtothegeneralmiseryoftheworkingclasses.Technicalprogress,forRicardo,wasnotamany-splendoredthing.

Onforeigntrade,Ricardosetforthhisfamoustheoryofcomparativeadvantage.Usinghisfamousexampleoftwonations(PortugalandEngland)andtwocommodities(wineandcloth),RicardoarguedthattradewouldbebeneficialevenifPortugalheldanabsolutecostadvantageoverEnglandinbothcommodities.Ricardo'sargumentwasthattherearegainsfromtradeifeachnationspecializescompletelyintheproductionofthegoodinwhichithasa"comparative"costadvantageinproducing,andthentradeswiththeothernationfortheothergood.Noticethatthedifferencesininitialpositionmeanthatthelabortheoryofvalueisnotassumedtoholdacrosscountries--asitshouldbe,Ricardoargued,becausefactors,particularlylabor,arenotmobileacrossborders.Asfarasgrowthisconcerned,foreigntrademaypromotefurtheraccumulationandgrowthifwagegoods(notluxuries)areimportedatalowerpricethantheycostdomestically--therebyleadingtoaloweringoftherealwageandariseinprofits.Butthemaineffect,Ricardonoted,isthatoverallincomelevelswouldriseinbothnationsregardless.

Withhis1817treatise,Ricardotookeconomicstoanunprecedenteddegreeoftheoreticalsophistication.HeformalizedtheClassicalsystemmoreclearlyandconsistentlythananyonebeforehaddone.Forhisefforts,heacquiredasubstantialfollowinginGreatBritainandelsewhere--whatbecameknownasthe"Classical"or"Ricardian"School.Hissystem,however,wasimprovedverylittlebyhisdisciples.PerhapsonlyJohnStuartMill(1848)andKarlMarx(1867-94)addedinsightsofanygreatweight.

Ricardo'stheorygraduallyfelloutoffavor,anddiedaslowdeathsoonaftertheMarginalistRevolutionof1871-74.Butresearchcontinuedinsomecornersoftheworld,e.g.VladimirDmitriev(1898).OnlymuchlaterdidPieroSraffa(1960)finallysolvethe"invariablemeasureofvalue"problemandre-ignitedinterestinRicardo'stheory.The"Neo-Ricardian"researchprogramcontinuestoadvancetoday.

老左的人物简介

在上海，我问一位普通的中年妇女：“你最喜欢的主持人是谁？”

她毫不犹豫地答道：“左安龙。”

“为什么？”

“他替老百姓说话呀！”

左安龙是上海人民广播电台《市民与社会》节目的主持人，也是第二届全国广播“十佳”主持人。左安龙的长相极具特点，与他共事过的“狮城辩手”姜丰有一句很贴切的趣语：“老左的头发恰到好处地掉了一些，便造就了一个智者的额头。”

也正是这位“智者”，历尽坎坷，大器晚成。在一篇文章里，他的一句自述吸引了我：“在我50岁的时候，甚至评不上一个中级职称……我是‘五十而不知天命’，半世坎坷。”于是，这成了我向他提的第一个问题。他坐在我身边，瞪大了眼，直起身子，百感交集却又慷慨激越地说：“我简直就是一个倒霉蛋！”那是我采访经历中最奇特的一刻。我。。。惯于倾听主持人的亲切而又考究的谈话，左安龙的大白话对我几乎是一种振聋发聩。接着左安龙高音调快频率地向我简述了他的“倒霉”经历。他出生在一个资本家家庭，1967年毕业于北京的解放军艺术学院戏剧系，后被分配到上海钢铁一厂，13年后才有幸进入电台打杂，其时已40岁。

“这13年里，我心灰意冷，但我心底里就是不服气，因为我有能力！”1984年，左安龙橘枝终于得到一个表现能力的机会，他成了新栏目《经济台》的一名金融记者，从一窍不通到金融行家，左安龙凭着一股韧劲脱颖而出。他常常半夜三更跳下床，记下脑海中一闪即逝的思想火花。他撰写的富有前瞻性的《股票高溢价发行将引起震荡》一文，著名的经济学家厉以宁看后说：“好！”他的金融稿开始掷地有声。

左安龙充分展示他的才能是在1993年初，那时，他出任新闻时政类直播谈话节目《市民与社会》的监制、策划兼主持人。《市民与社会》节目诞生在体制转轨的大变革时代，传统观念受到强烈冲击的人们比任何时候都需要相互间的交流、上下间的沟通，这个节目为他们提供了发表意见的论坛和与***政领导、专家学者进行平等对话的渠道。左安升散龙的每期选题都是社会关注的热门话题，且多为敏感性话题，如有关市场经济与物价、工资、就业、犯罪的系列节目。他是如何把握的呢？

“‘***的宗旨是为人民服务’，我们站在***和人民的立场，为人民说话，力图使节目在市民与政府、市民与市民之间架起一座心灵之桥。大众传媒向受众传播真、善、美，但也不能回避那些假、恶、丑，要以正压邪。”他接着说：“主持人不是节目的主体，而是推动主体运转的人。主持人的话不在多少，而在于其流露的思想及其与听众互相沟通的能力。”恰恰是左安龙的“白话”风格使他受到听众的喜爱，也带出了节目参与者圆笑敏的大白话。

一次，上海原**黄菊来到直播间，一妇女打来电话抱怨住进新房两年装不上煤气，黄菊致歉后表示相信当年一定解决。左安龙立即拨电话给煤气公司经理。经理问他：“怎么说？”他说：“你想怎么说就怎么说！”于是经理在节目里说了大实话：“别说今年装不上，明年也装不上！”黄菊问道：“赶赶进度不行么？难道毫无潜力可挖？难道对百姓的疾苦就这样漠然旁观？”年底，这位妇女家里装上了煤气。

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